People across Myanmar, facing war, poverty, and countless forms of suffering, are among the greatest victims of propaganda and information warfare. In the same way, Myanmar's democracy and human rights still feel like trying to catch a radio signal in the rainy season appearing and disappearing, cutting in and out, never stable.

As an initial step, it may be wise to use credible intermediaries-trusted political party representatives and civil society figures not directly affiliated with ULA (United League of Arakan)/AA-to open talks and create a channel to the Bangladesh government.

The promise he kept was not made to a person, a family, or an institution. It was made to the country. He did not swear an oath before witnesses. He carried it alone.
 

Hadi, who was widely embraced as a parliamentary candidate representing a new, reform-driven generation, died on December 18 after being shot by unknown gunmen in central Dhaka three days earlier. His assassination has ignited a firestorm that now engulfs the streets of Bangladesh’s capital — a storm fueled by grief, rage, and suspicion.

Both leaders operated within systems where the military remained the ultimate arbiter of power. Their shared miscalculation was failing to build resilient civilian institutions capable of outlasting military dominance.

On December 10 — International Human Rights Day — a military jet dropped bombs on Mrauk-U Public Hospital in Myanmar’s Arakan (Rakhine) State. More than 30 people were killed, including patients seeking treatment and family members keeping vigil at their bedside. Over 70 more were injured. The hospital’s main building was reduced to rubble.

It’s a crisis that defies intuition. How can a place so abundant in rainfall be perilously dry for months every year? The answer lies not in the clouds but on the ground: a catastrophic failure of infrastructure, compounded by civil war and a vacuum of accountable governance.

This article looks beneath the lovely image of the Naf to explore the bitter realities hidden beneath its surface.

This essay is less a critique of what he has said than a tracing and analysis of the Commander's political ideas and dialogues-following the footprints of his expressed positions.

In this article, I argue that while Fortify Rights' investigative work remains critical, it would benefit from deeper conflict-sensitive adaptation: one that recognizes ULA/AA's governance ambitions and local realities and frames its findings in ways that minimize unintended harmful consequences in an already fragile setting.

Even if we do not encourage foreign alcohol, we should at least work to produce local alcohol in a systematic and clean way.

Maternal death devastates families and society: it constrains the lifelong development of surviving children and brings profound social and economic losses to households, communities, and the nation.

This article looks back at the NCA's arc, the Arakan Army's connection-or exclusion-from it, and how that history intersects with today's revolutionary realities.

Human-rights monitors are watching closely. Bangladesh already faces scrutiny at the UN over violence against indigenous groups. India New England+1 The sacking of the National Human Rights Commission by the Yunus government in November 2024 further worsened accountability gaps. The Tribune

Whatever the reason, we endure. We support each other. We tell the stories of those who cannot speak, and we absorb the pain that cannot be forgotten.

Infrastructure development must be a priority for both parties to ensure that goods flow without unnecessary delays or losses. If the ULA and Bangladesh invest in better roads, ports, and customs facilities, the cost of trade will decrease, benefiting traders on both sides.

In the building of a new Arakan State, there is a need for both fighters and civilians who share a common cause; the demand for human resources skilled in the fields of business, education and healthcare is no less important than finding more people within Myanmar and abroad who are willing to take up arms.

After the revolution against the military dictatorship succeeds, Chin State's sea exit will be available through Arakan State. Chin leaders should be especially aware that if the Arakanese and Chin people can have a peaceful relationship, it could contribute greatly to Chin State in terms of trade and economy.

Frankly, the promotion of democracy should not be a priority at this juncture. Instead, the focus must be on addressing the deep-rooted socioeconomic challenges that have plagued the people of Arakan for years under the oppressive control of both the military and the National League for Democracy (NLD) government. 

 For many in Arakan, the concept of democracy is tainted by the scars left by the NLD party, whose rule was marked by systemic repression of Arakanese people and political communities.

 As such, rebuilding the state demands a more pragmatic approach, prioritising stability and development over democratic ideals.